Contrary to the will of this world: the formation of Orthodoxy in Japan. (to the 150th anniversary of the establishment of the Japanese Orthodox Church)

Orthodoxy owes its appearance in Japan to the Russian missionary Saint Nicholas (Kasatkin) of Japan. Arriving in the land of the rising sun in 1861 as rector of the consular church, he independently learned the language from scratch and almost single-handedly created the Japanese Orthodox Church. Today, services in Orthodox churches in Japan are conducted mainly in Japanese, and not only Orthodox Christians, but also representatives of other faiths come to pray.

Cathedral of the Resurrection of Christ (Nikolai-do), Tokyo, 1891

The most famous Orthodox cathedral in Japan in one of the busiest areas of Tokyo is named after the founder of Orthodoxy in Japan, Nicholas of Japan (in the world Ivan Kasatkin), who initiated the construction of the temple. The plan of the cathedral was created by St. Petersburg professor of architecture M.A. Shchurupov, and the images for the wooden three-tier iconostasis were painted by the St. Petersburg court icon painter V.M. Peshekhonov. The bells were also brought from Russia. During the Great Kanto Earthquake of 1923, which claimed many lives, the temple was severely damaged. The bell tower collapsed and pierced the dome, and a terrible fire destroyed the interior, but was later restored. 90 years after the tragedy, new bells were raised to the cathedral - they were cast in the Yaroslavl region.

Japanese scientists about the Russian Spiritual Mission in Japan

History testifies that wherever and whenever the faith of Christ penetrated, everywhere it was the true and greatest good deed of God, the beginning of a new and better order of things, the foundation of everything by which peoples rose and prospered.

Prof. A. A. Tsarevsky

The meaning of Orthodoxy in the life and historical fate of Russia.

(Kazan, 1898; reprint: Leningrad, 1991)

The Russian Spiritual Mission in Japan played an outstanding role in the history of Russian-Japanese relations. The Russian Orthodox Church contributed to the rapprochement of the two neighboring peoples, the establishment of diplomatic relations and the development of cultural ties between Russia and Japan. A special place in the history of Russian Orthodoxy is occupied by such extraordinary personalities as Saint Nicholas Equal to the Apostles (in the world Ivan Dmitrievich Kasatkin), who earned respect and veneration for his ascetic service in the field of Orthodoxy. Saint Nicholas, who headed the Russian Spiritual Mission from the day of its foundation (1869) until the last days of his life (1912), consciously and voluntarily bore the difficult cross of establishing the Orthodox Faith in the Far East, through his deeds confirmed the words of the Apostle James: “Show me your Faith without your works, and I will show you my Faith by my works” (2:18). That is why for us, living today, the actions of Fr. Nicholas is a living example for reflection and teaching. Therefore, the assessment of the activities of the Russian Spiritual Mission in Japan by Japanese science is of undoubted interest from the point of view of not only its history, but also its current state. Let us dwell on two stages of Japanese historiography – the initial stage of the formation of the Russian Spiritual Mission and the spread of Orthodoxy in Japan and modern historiography of recent decades. Obviously, the activities of the Japanese Orthodox Church, which received autonomy from the Moscow Patriarchate only in 1970, are the subject of future research and publications.

The Japanese highly value the influence of Russian philosophical thought (and the Orthodox Faith includes its elements), the significance of the historical experience of Russia in critical periods of its history. The historian Wada Haruki in a bibliographic essay17 points out the fact that back at the end of the 18th century. The Japanese were able to become acquainted, although very limited, with the history of Russia from some Dutch works. At the same time, Wada notes that Japan took the history of Russia during the era of Peter I as an example to follow. “In 1868, the Tokugawa regime fell... After Meijiishin, the development of Japan, in our opinion, generally followed the path of reforms similar to Peter’s reforms”18. Japanese authors point out (in particular, Sugimori Koji) that the impulse for cultural ties came from Russia to Japan19. Detailed works directly related to the activities of the Russian Spiritual Mission belong, first of all, to Archbishop Nicholas himself. (This refers to his works both written by himself in Japanese and translated into Japanese.) Nakamura Kennosuke translated the work of Fr. Nicholas “Japan of the Bakumatsu period, as Nicholas saw it”20 and prefaced his notes with an extensive commentary.

Replaced Fr. Nicholas, Bishop Sergius (Tikhomirov) also owns the study “The Far East and Problems of Russian Orthodoxy”21. He collected rich material on the history of Russian Orthodoxy in Japan and China, the role of Orthodoxy in the life of Japanese society, and its relationships with other faiths. Since this work is translated, there is obviously a Russian version, which has not yet been discovered. Japanese assistants and continuers of the work of Archbishop Nicholas back in the 90s22 XIX - early. XX centuries left works preaching for the Orthodox Japanese, such as “Orthodoxy and the State”; “Interpretation of the Imperial Edict on Education in the Spirit of Orthodoxy” - author Ishikawa Kinzaburo; “The Imperial House and Religion”, “On the Position of the Japanese Orthodox Church” - author Mizushima Koyo; “The Imperial House and Orthodoxy” - author Morita Ryo. The meaning of all these works is to explain the essence of Orthodoxy for the understanding of the Japanese, both those already baptized and those seeking to join the Orthodox faith.

The magazines published by the mission in Japan for Japanese readers played an invaluable educational role in the history of Russian Orthodoxy. Since December 1877, the magazine “Orthodox Messages” (“Kyokai hoti”) was published twice a month; since November 1880, instead of “Orthodox Messages”, the journal “Orthodox Messenger” (“Kyokai simpo”) began to be published, since 1893. Mitsui Michiro published the magazine “Spiritual Sea” (“Shinkai”). The importance of the journal “Orthodox Messenger” was noted by D. M. Pozdneev: “...for the future historian of the Orthodox Church in Japan, “Orthodox Messenger” will be one of the most important sources”23. We find these lines in the article by D. M. Pozdneev “Archbishop Nicholas of Japan,” written on the occasion of the death of the first Russian missionary, Archbishop Nicholas, 82 years ago. In it, even now, the reader will find an excellent description of the history of the Orthodox Mission, which operated under the leadership of Bishop Nicholas.

The most complete description of the historical conditions of the activity of the Russian Spiritual Mission in Japan belongs to two modern authors: Ushimaru Yasuo (“Culture of the Meiji Period and Nicholas”)24 and Naganawa Mitsuo (“Nicholas’ Cathedral and the [Orthodox] Community”)25. Both authors begin their narrative with the extraordinary personality of the founder of the mission, Ivan Dmitrievich Kasatkin. But if Ushimaru Yasuo wrote a book in connection with the centenary of the founding of the mission and the canonization of St. Nicholas of Japan, then for Naganawa Mitsuo the reason for creating his work was the 1000th anniversary of the baptism of Rus' and the 120th anniversary of the history of Orthodoxy in Japan. Foreword by Prof. Naganawa presents a brief description of the current state of the Orthodox community, which is of undoubted interest for translation and publication. At the end of the book there is a detailed chronology concerning the community of St. Nicholas up to 1978 inclusive, on the basis of which it is possible to further reconstruct the activities of the Japanese Orthodox Church in our days. As a first step, we attach our translation of this chronological table.

Ushimaru Yasuo talks about the historical conditions for the founding of the Russian Spiritual Mission in Japan. The prerequisite for its creation was the opening of the Russian Consulate in 1859 and the appointment of Joseph Antonovich Goshkevich (1814–1875) as the first consul in Hakodate. “Goshkevich arrived in Hakodate in the third ten days of September 1858 (5th Anseai) accompanied by his family, a naval officer, a doctor, and a clergyman (Ivan Makhov returned home due to illness in the year the consulate was established. - L. 3.), four servants and two maids,” this is how Ushimaru Yasuo begins his story26. The author meticulously describes what the city of Hakodate was like as an important stronghold of the bakufu government since 1798. “Effective, gifted people, seized with ambition and driven by a patriotic impulse, began to gather there,” writes Ushimaru Yasuo. These were mainly people from Tohoku, and not only Roning, but also people of science, traders, Shinto priests, Buddhist monks, and representatives of various walks of life.”27 At that time, Japan adhered to the policy of “sakoku seisaku” (closed country), and there were laws prohibiting Christianity. The arrival of missionaries with trade and consular representatives was perceived ambiguously both within the government itself and among the population. Only in 1873 were the anti-Christian decrees repealed and the Gregorian calendar introduced. The second wave of Christian missions literally flooded Japan. As you know, the “first Christian century” in Japan lasted from the 1540s to the 1640s. At the same time, we are not talking about Orthodoxy, because in Russia at that time they did not even suspect the existence of Japan. However, according to religious historian Anesaki Masaharu, the success of this second generation of missionaries is explained primarily by the noble motives with which the neophytes accepted their preaching. “Among these enthusiasts, the majority were young people from among the samurai, and their intentions to accept Christianity were largely provoked by noble goals to create a new spiritual basis for the revival of the nation and to renew political life in the country. What attracted them most to Christianity was not the doctrines of sin and its atonement, but the strength of Christ's character and the tenacity of his apostles. Their faith was more ethical than religious, and fit into the Confucian ideas they inherited about honor and perseverance in achieving goals; their samurai spirit was inspired and revived by Christian ideas."28 Although this statement is about Catholicism and Protestantism, the author’s observation that Confucianism played a certain role in the perception of Christianity is quite legitimate in relation to its Orthodox branch.

But it seems to us that the Orthodox teaching was more consistent with the postulates of the national religion “Shinto” (the path of the gods), for, according to the figurative definition of academician N. I. Conrad, “the term “Shinto” - in its broad meaning - covers the entire content of the ancient era Japan and at the same time serves as a designation of a unique cultural factor in Japanese history as a whole.”29

From the first steps of his missionary service, Hieromonk Nikolai studied in detail the experience of his predecessors, clarified the reasons for the failures of the fact that in the 16th-17th centuries. Christianity “mixed with politics” and therefore caused prohibitive orders from the best of Japanese rulers30. Therefore Fr. Nikolai studied classical Chinese philosophy and the Japanese language for eight years, realizing that without this he would not be able to find a way to spread faith among the Japanese, sow the seeds of faith in an understanding accessible to them. This behavior was highly appreciated by the Japanese. “During this time, he mastered all the sciences so well that some Japanese newspapers subsequently wrote that he knew Japan better than the Japanese themselves.”31 However, the way about. Nicholas’s approach to believers was, especially at first, painful and difficult, as Ushimaru Yasuo writes, “at that time in Japan, Russians were treated with suspicion”32. But oh. Nicholas resolutely dissociated himself from any participation in political events and focused his sermons primarily on ordinary people from the poorest strata. True, at first, as Japanese authors note, they turned to him to use the Orthodox faith for anti-Russian purposes. This is what happened to Takuma Sawabe. He, as Ushimaru Yasuo writes, “was a frantic monarchist and one of the adherents of the “theory of closing the country and cursing the barbarians (foreigners. - L. 3.).”33 He hatched plans to penetrate, together with five like-minded people, into the Russian consulate with the aim of exterminating foreigners . Takuma Sawabe's communication under the guise of teaching the art of kendo with Fr. Nicholas led to the opposite results. He was baptized and given the Christian name Paul. At the same time, Sakai Tokurei (John) and Urano Daizo (Jacob) were baptized. Undoubtedly, the charm of Fr. Nicholas played a decisive role in making this decision.

Prof. Naganawa34 with great warmth, it would be permissible to say, with a touch of emotional sentimentality, draws the figure and character of St. Nicholas: “Strong in body, unyielding will, strong in learning, thanks to his father’s upbringing, respectful and respectful, strong in spirit, overcomes selfishness, of a firm and enduring character, courageous and unshakable, like a warrior” (as recorded in the minutes of the Japanese Local Orthodox Council of 1936 under the title “Description of the deeds of the teacher - Archbishop Nicholas”). Next, he describes Ivan Kasatkin’s elation and determination to become a monk: “having realized the responsibility intended for him... he felt the highest good and some kind of destiny”35 to go to serve in Japan. Prof. Naganawa talks in detail about Archbishop Nicholas's study of the Japanese language and Japanese culture. It cost him incredible work and continuous effort to read the “History of Foreign Relations of Japan” (Nihon Gaishi) by Rai Sanyo, ancient monuments: Kojiki (Records of Ancient Affairs), Nihonshoki (Annals of Japan). They helped Fr. Nicholas in his studies by Kimura Kensai, Saga Juan and Niijima Shimeta. The knowledge of these historical monuments is given credit to the Japanese themselves.

In 1869, the Russian Spiritual Mission was established, first in Hakodate, and after official registration in 1872 it moved to Tokyo. Receiving money from Russia was regarded in Japanese religious circles as Russia’s desire to exert political influence on Japan through Orthodoxy, as pointed out by Japanese historians, in particular Ushimaru Yasuo36. The same Ushimaru Yasuo testifies that “already in the 10th year of Meiji (1878) one could say that Orthodoxy had firmly taken root in Tohoku with its center in Sendai, in Kanto with its center in Tokyo.” A couple of years later, the Kansai region with its center in Osaka emerged. A seminary (preaching school) was founded in Osaka, where Russian teachers taught. “The influence of the Osaka Center of Orthodoxy spread to the regions of Sanindo and Sanyodo, and after that to Kagoshima on the island of Kyushu”37. Japanese scientists emphasize the fact that the founder of the mission, Fr. Nicholas always opposed the combination of religion and politics. Nakamura Kennosuke comments on Nikolai’s words that “Orthodoxy in Japan is based entirely on Japanese soil, that its distributors are the Japanese themselves”38.

All Japanese authors (Anesaki Masaharu, Nakamura Kennosuke, Ushimaru Yasuo, Naganawa Mitsuo, etc.) point to the important role of church choirs and spiritual singing in the dissemination and popularization of Orthodox teaching. In 1873, regent Jacob Tihai arrived in Japan and began teaching sacred singing. Later Dmitry Konstantinovich Lvovsky joined him. Together, in the Ueno region, they organized the first church choir, which became a significant phenomenon in the cultural life of the country. “We must not forget about the great role played by the church choir of the Russian Orthodox Church in the history of Meiji culture and, in particular, the musical culture of this period,”39 notes Ushimaru Yasuo. The most interesting pages of Naganawa Mitsuo’s book are presented by the description of the personal life of the brothers Anatoly and Yakov Tihai (see Chapter 8, Part 1, pp. 184–187).

The work of translating theological literature played a primary role in the mission's activities. Not a single day without translation - this was the order Fr. Nicholas from the first years of his stay in Japan and remained until the last days of his life40. Since 1881, together with Pavel Nakai (Tsugumaro), they translated only from the original Greek and Slavic texts. Justin Yamaguchi noted that Fr. Nikolai never resorted to materials translated into Japanese by other scientists, so as not to be influenced by them on his work41. Since 1882, the mission sent the most capable students to Russia: to the Kyiv and St. Petersburg Theological Academies. Almost all of those sent to study in Russia became professional translators and teachers of theological seminaries, as was the case with Mitsui Michiro. After his second trip to Russia in 1879, Fr. Nikolai brought a lithographic machine to Japan. Japanese society became acquainted with the icon painting art of Russian masters.

The Orthodox Mission sent its students to St. Petersburg to study the art of icon painting. One of these students was Maria Oi Hideko Shibayama, who in 1908 at the age of 18, on the recommendation of Fr. Nikolai was sent to study under the Mantetsu Foundation, first at the Baron Stieglitz St. Petersburg School of Art, and then in 1909 at the Academy of Arts. She lived as a family member in the house of the future Japanese scientist Sergei Eliseev. After marrying journalist Oi Kanetaka, she soon returned to Japan in 1913. “Although it was expected,” as Naganawa Mitsuo writes, “that she would become the successor to the icon painter Yamashita Rin, she did not leave a noticeable mark on the church and the only work of hers that has survived to this day is the icon in the Yamate Church in Tokyo.”42

The preaching activity of the Russian Orthodox Church was considered a matter of paramount importance. All Japanese authors point to this circumstance, but prof. Naganawa describes in detail the very nature of trips around the country as Fr. Nicholas, as well as his associates and followers. As a result of these trips, the number of believers grew, although perhaps only slightly. If in 1906 their number was 29,115 people, then in 1911 - 32,700 people43.

The financial situation of the Orthodox community was more than modest and caused concern to its mentors. Thus, the manager of church affairs in the city of Yamada in 1907 conducted a comparative analysis, from which it is clear that 204 parishes with a number of parishioners of about 30,000 people had income from believers in the amount of 8,400 yen, i.e. on average per person 0.27 yen44. Prof. Naganawa sees the reason for this situation in the fact that after the Russian-Japanese War the number of regional parishes decreased, and mainly urban parishes were self-sufficient. The most powerful parishes were still located in Tohoku; in the central regions, believers came from Tohoku, especially representatives of samurai families. Otherwise, donations came from the lower strata of society, and they were insignificant. In general, the income and expenses of the church in 1907 were: income - 80,000 yen (donations from missionary societies and monasteries); expenses - 98,960 yen (provision of ministers, expenses for seminaries and publishing activities); shortage – 18,960 yen45. Therefore, starting from Fr. Nicholas, and then Fr. Sergius (Tikhomirov), brothers Fr. Anatoly and Fr. Yakov Tikhai and other now unknown clergymen, they constantly made trips both to Russia and to Manchuria, Korea, and all over Japan itself to raise funds to maintain the viability of the Russian Orthodox community. The situation of the Church became especially disastrous after the revolution of 1917, when income from Russia ceased, and the Great Earthquake of 1923 in Japan, then military events in China in 1937, and the Second World War further aggravated this situation.

Over time, the question of a successor began to worry Archbishop Nicholas. At the beginning of the 20th century. The Russian Orthodox Church in Japan was governed by its own theologians. In 1906, Fr. arrived on the Japanese Islands. Sergius (Tikhomirov). However, prof. Naganawa notes that most of the clergy were “overshadowed by the greatness of the name of Nicholas and are unknown outside the Church today. Even within the Church, their names are beginning to be covered with a veil of oblivion.”46 In the history of Orthodoxy in Japan, the names of Fr. Sergius (Glebov), who is also known as the author of a manual on Russian grammar; O. Sergius (Stragorodsky), later Patriarch; O. Vladimir, Bishop Andronik, Fr. Euphemia and others, but none of them, with the exception of Fr. Anatoly, could not serve for long under the command of Bishop Nicholas. Prof. Naganawa and other scholars point to the individuality of the personality and character of St. Nicholas. His rigidity, reaching the point of dictatorship, self-denial, dedication, self-restraint, sacrifice in the name of faith could not be tolerated by many. But, emphasizing such character traits of Bishop Nicholas, prof. Naganawa rightly concludes: “Indeed, it seems that he had a strict and harsh character, but could an ordinary person in a foreign country win over 30 thousand believers with his bare hands? Therefore, Nicholas's authority among the Japanese believers is absolute, and although since Meiji many foreigners have come to Japan and contributed to the building of a new Japan, it is probably not an exaggeration to say that compared to Nicholas there was no man who had such a loyal following among the Japanese. And the fact that even now the Japanese Orthodox Church is named after Nicholas is not an unreasonable fact47. Next, Naganawa Mitsuo describes in great detail, with a feeling of deep emotion, the passing of St. Nicholas into another world on February 16, 1912 at the age of 75. Summing up his actions, he writes: “He left to his descendants 1 cathedral, 8 temples, 175 churches, 276 parishes, raised 1 bishop, 34 priests, 8 deacons, 115 preachers. The total number of Orthodox believers reached 34,110 people, not counting the 8,170 people who died earlier. Annual donations from parishes were 29,146 yen 56 sen, and church property was 139,506 yen 52 sen. But Vladyka Nicholas left in his personal possession only a few items of an already rather worn-out wardrobe.”48 This is how Saint Nicholas appears to us in the description of Japanese scientists.

Naganawa Mitsuo pays attention to another aspect of the activities of the Russian Orthodox Church in Japan, namely peacekeeping. During the Russo-Japanese War, the “Society for Consoling Prisoners of War with Faith” was created (later dissolved in 1906). Father Nicholas was elevated to the rank of archbishop for his services during the war, and the clergyman Mitsui Michiro was awarded a golden cross on behalf of the Russian Emperor Nicholas II, and he was elevated to the rank of archpriest. A special chapter in the book is devoted to the activities of Metropolitan Sergius (Tikhomirov) during the period of Japanese intervention in Siberia (his trip to the cities of the Far East to raise funds for the benefit of the Orthodox Mission, when he managed to collect 150,000 rubles), the construction and consecration of the Cathedral in December 1929. O. Sergius left his place, was arrested in April 1945 as a Russian “spy,” and died on August 10 of the same year.

Naganawa Mitsuo gives a brief description of the state of the Russian Orthodox Church after 1945 under the leadership of Metropolitan Theodosius. In conclusion, Prof. Naganawa concludes that the study of the legacy of Archbishop Nicholas, his students and followers is part of the study of Russian social thought49. Thus, Japanese science makes a great contribution and pays tribute to the activities of the Russian Orthodox Church in Japan.

Church of the Resurrection, Hakodate, 1859

This is the first Orthodox church in Japan - it was established as a consular church in 1858, along with the opening of the first Russian consulate in Japan here. In 1861-1869. Nicholas of Japan served here. Because of the ringing sound, which is unusual for Japan, local residents nicknamed the temple “gan-gan-dera” (“bom-bom” temple). In 1907, during a terrible fire in Hakodate, the church burned to the ground, but thanks to Nicholas of Japan, a new brick temple was built shortly before his death.

Annunciation Cathedral, Kyoto, 1903

The interior decoration of this temple has remained virtually unchanged since 1903. The temple is decorated with an elegant white iconostasis by the Moscow master Ya.E. Epaneshnikova. The cathedral houses icons of St. Nicholas the Wonderworker - gifts from Russian prisoners of war who were housed here during the Russo-Japanese War, as well as shrines received as a gift from John of Kronstadt.

Primates[ | ]

• 1880-1912 - Nikolai (Kasatkin) (In 1870-1880 - archimandrite, head of the Mission)
• 1912-1940 - Sergius (Tikhomirov)
• 1940-1941 - Arseny Iwasawa, senior, layman
• 1941-1946 - Nikolai (It)
• 1946-1947 - Samuil Uzawa v/u, archpriest

• 1970-1972 - Vladimir (Nagossky)
• 1972-1999 - Feodosius (Nagashima)
• 2000 - Peter (Arihara) (elected, refused due to illness, died soon)
• since 2000 - Daniil (Nushiro)

Temple of the Transfiguration of the Lord, Sapporo, 1971

Here you can see the largest collection of icons of the Japanese icon painter Rin Yamashita (her baptismal name was Irina, 1857-1939). Rin came from a samurai family and was the first Japanese woman to study in Russia - she trained at an icon painting workshop in St. Petersburg. During her life, Rin created many works, including an icon as a gift to Tsarevich Nikolai Alexandrovich on the occasion of his visit to Japan in 1891. Her works are now in many Orthodox churches throughout Japan.

Current status[ | ]

Church of the Resurrection of Christ Annunciation Cathedral
There are three dioceses in the Japanese Orthodox Church:

• Sendai and East Japan Diocese
  (department in Sendai);
• Kyoto and Western Japan Diocese
  (department in Kyoto);
• Diocese of Tokyo
  (seat in Tokyo).

Since 2000, the head of the church has been Metropolitan Daniel (Nushiro), Metropolitan of Tokyo and all Japan.

The residence and cathedral church is the Cathedral of the Resurrection of Christ in Tokyo (which operates the only Tokyo Theological Seminary in the country). The cathedral is widely known as Nikorai-do (ニコライ堂) (in honor of the founder of the YOC, Archbishop Nicholas (Kasatkin)).

At the end of 2014, according to information submitted to the Ministry of Culture of Japan, the Japanese Church had 67 parishes (communities), 37 clergy, 9,619 followers (registered members)[20]

The magazine “Seikyo Jiho” (正教時報 “Orthodox Messenger”) is published regularly in Japanese. There is an Orthodox sisterhood and an Orthodox youth society.

Representation of the Moscow Patriarchate[ | ]

Since 1970, a representative office of the Moscow Patriarchate has been operating in Tokyo with a temple in honor of the Holy Blessed Prince Alexander Nevsky, a house church at the residence of the representative and the convent of Hagia Sophia in Chiba Prefecture, in which two nuns from Vladivostok live.

Toyohashi Matthew Temple, Toyohashi, 1915

Matthew's Temple in Aichi Prefecture is distinguished by interesting architectural details: for example, the decor at the junction of the blades and the vertical belt on the facades is made in traditional Japanese style. By the way, the temple was built by the same architect as the church in Hakodate - Moses Kawamura.

Links

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  Note: * autocephaly or autonomy is not recognized by all local Churches, while the canonicity of the Church is not disputed

Church of the Epiphany, Nagoya, 2010

The first Orthodox church in Nagoya, Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary, was built in 1913. It was completely burned down during a US air raid during World War II in 1945. The new stone Church of the Epiphany was erected only recently, it is made in the traditional Russian style, reminiscent of the medieval churches of Suzdal. For more than half a century in between, the city's Orthodox community used the house of worship for services and meetings.

Church of the Descent of the Holy Spirit, Tokushima, 1980

The temple is located on the island of Shikoku, where Buddhism has been especially strong since ancient times. Orthodoxy came here at the beginning of the century, but then during World War II the church burned down and the remaining 8 Orthodox families held services at home. In 1980, through their efforts, a new temple was built. Icons of Rin Yamashita can also be seen here.

Excerpt characterizing the Japanese Orthodox Church

At 8 o'clock Kutuzov rode out on horseback to Prats, ahead of the 4th Miloradovich column, the one that was supposed to take the place of the columns of Przhebyshevsky and Langeron, which had already descended. He greeted the people of the front regiment and gave the order to move, indicating that he himself intended to lead this column. Having reached the village of Prats, he stopped. Prince Andrey, among the huge number of people who made up the retinue of the commander-in-chief, stood behind him. Prince Andrei felt excited, irritated and at the same time restrainedly calm, as a person feels when a long-desired moment has arrived. He was firmly convinced that today was the day of his Toulon or his Arcole Bridge. How this would happen, he did not know, but he was firmly convinced that it would happen. The terrain and position of our troops were known to him, as far as they could be known to anyone from our army. His own strategic plan, which, obviously, now there was no need to even think about putting into execution, was forgotten by him. Now, already entering into Weyrother's plan, Prince Andrei pondered the contingencies that could occur and made new considerations, ones that might require his quick thinking and decisiveness. To the left below, in the fog, gunfire could be heard between invisible troops. There, it seemed to Prince Andrei, the battle would be concentrated, there an obstacle would be encountered, and “there I will be sent,” he thought, “with a brigade or division, and there, with a banner in my hand, I will go forward and break everything that comes before me.” . Prince Andrei could not look with indifference at the banners of the passing battalions. Looking at the banner, he kept thinking: maybe this is the same banner with which I will have to go ahead of the troops. By morning, the night fog had left only frost on the heights, turning into dew, while in the hollows the fog still spread out like a milky white sea. Nothing was visible in that ravine to the left, where our troops descended and from where the sounds of shooting came. Above the heights there was a dark, clear sky, and to the right a huge ball of the sun. Ahead, far away, on the other side of the foggy sea, protruding wooded hills were visible, on which the enemy army should have been, and something was visible. To the right the guards entered the area of ​​fog, sounding with clatter and wheels and occasionally flashing bayonets; to the left, behind the village, similar masses of cavalry approached and disappeared into the sea of ​​fog. Infantry moved in front and behind. The commander-in-chief stood at the exit of the village, allowing troops to pass by. Kutuzov seemed exhausted and irritable that morning. The infantry marching past him stopped without orders, apparently because something ahead delayed them. “Finally, tell them to form into battalion columns and go around the village,” Kutuzov angrily said to the general who drove up. “How can you not understand, Your Excellency, dear sir, that it is impossible to stretch out along this defile of the village streets when we are going against the enemy?” “I intended to line up outside the village, Your Excellency,” answered the general. Kutuzov laughed biliously. - You will be good, deploying the front in sight of the enemy, very good. - The enemy is still far away, Your Excellency. By disposition... - Disposition! - Kutuzov cried out biliously, - who told you this?... If you please, do as you are ordered. - I’m listening s. “Mon cher,” Nesvitsky said in a whisper to Prince Andrei, “le vieux est d’une humeur de chien.” [My dear, our old man is very out of sorts.] An Austrian officer with a green plume on his hat and in a white uniform galloped up to Kutuzov and asked on behalf of the emperor: has the fourth column set out? Kutuzov, without answering him, turned away, and his gaze accidentally fell on Prince Andrei, who was standing next to him. Seeing Bolkonsky, Kutuzov softened the angry and caustic expression of his gaze, as if realizing that his adjutant was not to blame for what was happening. And, without answering the Austrian adjutant, he turned to Bolkonsky: “Allez voir, mon cher, si la troisieme division a depasse le village.” Dites lui de s'arreter et d'attendre mes ordres. [Go, my dear, see if the third division has passed through the village. Tell her to stop and wait for my order.] As soon as Prince Andrei drove off, he stopped him. “Et demandez lui, si les tirailleurs sont postes,” he added. – Ce qu'ils font, ce qu'ils font! [And ask if the arrows are posted. “What are they doing, what are they doing!],” he said to himself, still without answering the Austrian. Prince Andrei galloped off to carry out the order. Having overtaken all the battalions in front, he stopped the 3rd division and became convinced that, indeed, there was no rifle chain ahead of our columns. The regimental commander of the regiment in front was very surprised by the order given to him from the commander-in-chief to scatter the riflemen. The regimental commander stood here in full confidence that there were still troops ahead of him, and that the enemy could not be closer than 10 miles. Indeed, nothing was visible ahead except a deserted area, sloping forward and covered with thick fog. Having ordered on behalf of the commander-in-chief to fulfill what had been missed, Prince Andrei galloped back. Kutuzov stood still in the same place and, senilely slumped in the saddle with his corpulent body, yawned heavily, closing his eyes. The troops no longer moved, but stood at gunpoint. “Okay, okay,” he said to Prince Andrei and turned to the general, who, with a watch in his hands, said that it was time to move, since all the columns from the left flank had already descended. “We’ll still have time, Your Excellency,” Kutuzov said through a yawn. - We'll make it! - he repeated. At this time, behind Kutuzov, the sounds of regiments greeting each other were heard in the distance, and these voices began to quickly approach along the entire length of the stretched line of advancing Russian columns. It was clear that the one they were greeting was traveling quickly. When the soldiers of the regiment in front of which Kutuzov stood shouted, he drove a little to the side and looked back with a wince. On the road from Pratzen, a squadron of multi-colored horsemen galloped along. Two of them galloped side by side ahead of the others. One was in a black uniform with a white plume on a red anglicized horse, the other in a white uniform on a black horse. These were two emperors with their retinue. Kutuzov, with the affectation of a soldier at the front, commanded the troops standing at attention and, saluting, drove up to the emperor. His whole figure and manner suddenly changed. He took on the appearance of a commanding, unreasoning person. With an affectation of respect that obviously struck Emperor Alexander unpleasantly, he rode up and saluted him. An unpleasant impression, just like the remnants of fog in a clear sky, ran across the emperor’s young and happy face and disappeared. He was, after ill health, somewhat thinner that day than on the Olmut field, where Bolkonsky saw him for the first time abroad; but the same charming combination of majesty and meekness was in his beautiful, gray eyes, and on his thin lips, the same possibility of varied expressions and the prevailing expression of complacent, innocent youth. At the Olmut show he was more majestic, here he was more cheerful and energetic. He became somewhat flushed after galloping these three miles, and, stopping his horse, sighed with repose and looked back at the faces of his retinue, just as young and as animated as his. Chartorizhsky and Novosiltsev, and Prince Bolkonsky, and Stroganov, and others, all richly dressed, cheerful, young people, on beautiful, well-groomed, fresh horses, talking and smiling, stopped behind the sovereign. Emperor Franz, a ruddy, long-faced young man, sat extremely straight on a beautiful black stallion and looked around him with concern and leisurely. He called one of his white adjutants and asked something. “That’s right, what time did they leave,” thought Prince Andrei, observing his old acquaintance, with a smile that he could not contain, remembering his audience. In the retinue of the emperors there were selected young orderlies, Russian and Austrian, guards and army regiments. Between them, beautiful spare royal horses were led by riders in embroidered blankets. It was as if, through the open window, the smell of fresh field air suddenly came into the stuffy room, so the gloomy Kutuzov headquarters smelled of youth, energy and confidence in success from these brilliant young people who had galloped up. - Why don’t you start, Mikhail Larionovich? - Emperor Alexander hastily turned to Kutuzov, at the same time looking courteously at Emperor Franz. “I’m waiting, Your Majesty,” answered Kutuzov, leaning forward respectfully. The Emperor lowered his ear, frowning slightly to indicate that he had not heard. “I’m waiting, your Majesty,” Kutuzov repeated (Prince Andrei noticed that Kutuzov’s upper lip trembled unnaturally while he was saying this, “I’m waiting”). “Not all the columns have assembled yet, Your Majesty.” The Emperor heard, but apparently did not like this answer; he shrugged his stooped shoulders and glanced at Novosiltsev, who stood nearby, as if with this glance he was complaining about Kutuzov. “After all, we are not in Tsaritsyn Meadow, Mikhail Larionovich, where the parade does not begin until all the regiments arrive,” said the sovereign, again looking into the eyes of Emperor Franz, as if inviting him, if not to take part, then to listen to what he speaks; but Emperor Franz, continuing to look around, did not listen. “That’s why I’m not starting, sir,” Kutuzov said in a sonorous voice, as if warning against the possibility of not being heard, and something trembled in his face once again. “That’s why I’m not starting, sir, because we’re not at the parade or in Tsarina’s meadow,” he said clearly and distinctly. In the sovereign's retinue, all the faces, instantly exchanging glances at each other, expressed murmur and reproach. “No matter how old he is, he should not, in no way should speak like that,” these persons expressed. The Emperor looked intently and carefully into Kutuzov's eyes, waiting to see if he would say anything else. But Kutuzov, for his part, bowing his head respectfully, also seemed to be waiting. The silence lasted for about a minute. “However, if you order, Your Majesty,” said Kutuzov, raising his head and again changing his tone to the previous tone of a stupid, unreasoning, but obedient general. He started his horse and, calling the head of the column, Miloradovich, gave him the order to attack. The army began to move again, and two battalions of the Novgorod regiment and a battalion of the Absheron regiment moved forward past the sovereign. While this Absheron battalion was passing, the ruddy Miloradovich, without an overcoat, in a uniform and orders and with a hat with a huge plume, worn on one side and from the field, the march march jumped forward and, with a valiant salute, reined in the horse in front of the sovereign. “With God, general,” the sovereign told him. “Ma foi, sire, nous ferons ce que qui sera dans notre possibilite, sire, [Really, Your Majesty, we will do what we can do, Your Majesty,” he answered cheerfully, nevertheless causing a mocking smile from the gentlemen the sovereign's retinue with his bad French accent. Miloradovich turned his horse sharply and stood somewhat behind the sovereign. The Absheronians, excited by the presence of the sovereign, with a valiant, brisk step, kicking their feet, passed by the emperors and their retinue. - Guys! - Miloradovich shouted in a loud, self-confident and cheerful voice, apparently so excited by the sounds of shooting, the anticipation of battle and the sight of the brave Absheronians, even his Suvorov comrades, briskly passing by the emperors that he forgot about the presence of the sovereign. - Guys, this is not your first village to take! - he shouted. - Glad to try! - the soldiers shouted. The sovereign's horse shied away from an unexpected cry. This horse, which had already carried the sovereign at shows in Russia, here, on the Champs of Austerlitz, carried its rider, withstanding his scattered blows with his left leg, pricking up his ears at the sounds of gunshots, just as he did on the Champ de Mars, not understanding the meaning of either these heard shots, not the proximity of the black stallion of Emperor Franz, not everything that was said, thought, felt that day by the one who rode her. The Emperor turned to one of his entourage with a smile, pointing to the fellows of Absheron, and said something to him. Kutuzov, accompanied by his adjutants, rode at a pace behind the carabinieri. Having traveled half a mile at the tail of the column, he stopped at a lonely abandoned house (probably a former inn) near the fork of two roads. Both roads went downhill, and troops marched along both. The fog began to disperse, and vaguely, about two miles away, enemy troops were already visible on opposite hills. To the left below the shooting became louder. Kutuzov stopped talking with the Austrian general. Prince Andrei, standing somewhat behind, peered at them and, wanting to ask the adjutant for a telescope, turned to him. “Look, look,” said this adjutant, looking not at the distant army, but down the mountain in front of him. - These are the French! Two generals and adjutants began to grab the pipe, snatching it from one another. All the faces suddenly changed, and everyone expressed horror. The French were supposed to be two miles away from us, but they appeared suddenly, unexpectedly in front of us. - Is this the enemy?... No!... Yes, look, he... probably... What is this? – voices were heard. Prince Andrey with a simple eye saw below to the right a dense column of French rising towards the Absheronians, no further than five hundred steps from the place where Kutuzov stood. “Here it is, the decisive moment has come! The matter has reached me,” thought Prince Andrei, and, hitting his horse, he rode up to Kutuzov. “We must stop the Absheronians,” he shouted, “Your Excellency!” But at that very moment everything was covered with smoke, close shooting was heard, and a naively frightened voice two steps from Prince Andrei shouted: “Well, brothers, it’s a Sabbath!” And it was as if this voice was a command. At this voice, everything started to run. Mixed, ever-increasing crowds fled back to the place where five minutes ago the troops had passed by the emperors. Not only was it difficult to stop this crowd, but it was impossible not to move back along with the crowd. Bolkonsky only tried to keep up with her and looked around, perplexed and unable to understand what was happening in front of him. Nesvitsky with an embittered look, red and not like himself, shouted to Kutuzov that if he did not leave now, he would probably be captured. Kutuzov stood in the same place and, without answering, took out a handkerchief. Blood was flowing from his cheek. Prince Andrei pushed his way up to him. -Are you injured? – he asked, barely keeping his lower jaw from trembling. – The wounds are not here, but where! - said Kutuzov, pressing a handkerchief to his wounded cheek and pointing at the fleeing people. - Stop them! - he shouted and at the same time, probably making sure that it was impossible to stop them, he hit the horse and rode to the right. The newly surging crowd of fleeing people took him with them and dragged him back. The troops fled in such a dense crowd that, once they got into the middle of the crowd, it was difficult to get out of it. Who shouted: “Go! Why did you hesitate? Who immediately turned around and fired into the air; who beat the horse on which Kutuzov himself was riding. With the greatest effort, getting out of the flow of the crowd to the left, Kutuzov, with his retinue, reduced by more than half, rode towards the sounds of close gun shots. Having emerged from the crowd of those running, Prince Andrei, trying to keep up with Kutuzov, saw on the descent of the mountain, in the smoke, a Russian battery still firing and the French running up to it. The Russian infantry stood higher up, moving neither forward to help the battery nor back in the same direction as those fleeing. The general on horseback separated from this infantry and rode up to Kutuzov. Only four people remained from Kutuzov’s retinue. Everyone was pale and silently looked at each other. – Stop these scoundrels! - Kutuzov said breathlessly to the regimental commander, pointing to the fleeing; but at the same instant, as if in punishment for these words, like a swarm of birds, bullets whistled through Kutuzov’s regiment and retinue. The French attacked the battery and, seeing Kutuzov, fired at him. With this volley, the regimental commander grabbed his leg; Several soldiers fell, and the ensign standing with the banner released it from his hands; the banner swayed and fell, lingering on the guns of neighboring soldiers.